"Adopting a regional mining policy directive is an important first step toward strengthening regional protections for the basic rights and livelihoods of mining-affected communities in West Africa and ensuring that these countries' mineral resources contribute to their sustainable development," said Raymond C. Offenheiser, president of Oxfam America.
Ministers from 11 West African countries met on April 17 in Abuja, Nigeria to review a draft mining directive that covers a broad range of financial, social and environmental issues relating to the industry. The draft was developed by the ECOWAS Commission with input from government officials, civil society organizations, and communities affected by mining.
Revenues from the mining industry form an important part of the economies of many West African countries. However, these revenues do not always translate into benefits for citizens. For example, Ghana is the second-largest gold producer in Africa—producing 2.5 million ounces of gold in 2007—but nearly 80 percent of Ghanaians are living on less than $2 per day.
The ECOWAS member countries currently have individual mining policies, but the need for foreign investment often leads to competition by offering tax reductions and exemptions, which deprives countries of sustainable benefits. A strong common policy is needed to ensure that the mining industry respects the rights of local communities and the environment and contributes to sustainable development.
"Oxfam is particularly encouraged by the mining directive's clear provisions for the protection of the human rights of local communities. This includes their right to free, prior and informed consent, which gives communities a meaningful role in decision-making about mining projects that would affect them," said Offenheiser. "We also applaud the directive's support for the disclosure of financial and environmental information relating to the mining sector."
Too often, mining industry contracts and revenues are kept secret. This lack of accountability facilitates embezzlement, corruption and revenue misappropriation leading to the industry's failure to alleviate poverty in West African countries. Measures to improve transparency in the directive will go a long way to inform the public about mining revenues. This will enable communities to hold governments accountable for using revenues to support vital services like healthcare and education.
However, the directive does not cover all the critical issues relating to the impacts of mining on affected communities. In particular, Oxfam believes the environmental protections can and should be further strengthened.
"Oxfam calls on the ECOWAS member states to engage with relevant stakeholders, particularly civil society and affected communities, to work to implement the directive and further strengthen legal provisions to increase transparency and protection of human rights and the environment," said Offenheiser.
Back in 2007, ECOWAS requested Oxfam America's involvement based on the organization's experience and expertise in the mining sector. Throughout the process, Oxfam worked to facilitate civil society's participation in the formation of the mining directive. More than 50 West African civil society organizations from 11 countries joined and participated in the formulation process.
]]>This decision, reported by the Ghana News Agency, comes a week after the release of a report by Oxfam America and its local partner, the Integrated Social Development Center (ISODEC), on the challenges posed by Ghana's coming oil boom. The report, Ghana's Big Test: Oil's Challenge to Democratic Development, recommends, among other things: transparency of payments from oil companies to governments as well as disclosure of all petroleum agreements; open and competitive licensing procedures for oil and gas blocks; the active participation of civil society; and the establishment of an appropriate legal and institutional framework for the industry.
"This commitment by the government should be commended. In too many countries, petroleum agreements governing the sale of public resources have been kept secret. The new administration should build on this step to increase openness for more citizen participation in the formulation of public policy. In the case of oil, participation on the part of the people and of civil society has thus far been limited," said Ibrahima Aïdara, coordinator of the Extractive Industries Program in Oxfam's West Africa Regional Office based in Dakar, Senegal. "In addition to ensuring full transparency and public participation in the oil and gas sector, the government should also take steps to improve the management of the gold mining sector."
Steve Manteaw, media and campaigns coordinator for ISODEC, said: "President Mills has taken an important step to preserve Ghana's record of good governance and stability by preparing Ghana to support accountable and efficient development of the oil industry and the billions in government revenue it will generate."
The International Monetary Fund has predicted that government revenues from oil (producing approximately 120,000 barrels a day by 2011) and gas could reach a cumulative $20 billion over a production period of 2012-2030 in Jubilee field alone. The field gets its name from the discovery of oil there at the time of Ghana's 50th anniversary as a nation.
The Ghanaian president's commitment is in line with the objectives of Oxfam America's Right to Know, Right to Decide campaign focusing on greater transparency and the right of communities to have a say over how and whether oil, gas, and mining projects go forward. The emphasis on transparency and public participation is also a cornerstone of Oxfam America's efforts to increase public and civil society participation in the development of a regional mining convention being developed by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).
Since last year, ECOWAS has been in the process of developing a mining convention that would promote common social, environmental, and transparency standards in the mining region across West Africa. Civil society is participating actively in the process and is ensuring that the concerns of the citizens, especially communities near mining projects, are taken into account.
"The new government in Ghana has a chance to take a fresh look both at preparations for the oil boom as well as the historical legacy of increased conflict and social and environmental impacts from gold mining production. The agenda for reform is both broad and deep, but the commitments by the new president are an important step in the right direction," said Aidara.
]]>Ghana's recent discovery the major offshore "Jubilee" oil field has generated enormous interest in the country's oil production potential. While this would seem to be good news for Ghana, historically, the exploitation of natural resources in Africa has far too often led to increased poverty and conflict, a phenomenon often referred to as "resource curse."
"In too many countries, oil booms have bred corruption, underdevelopment, social conflict and environmental damage. Ghana's challenge as an 'oil hot spot' will be to ensure the right institutions and transparent policies are in place before production even begins," said Ian Gary, Senior Policy Advisor for Extractive Industries at Oxfam America and author of the report Ghana's Big Test: Oil's Challenge to Democratic Development, which will be introduced today at the Royal Institute of International Affairs in London.
The report identifies critical steps for the Ghanaian government, donors, oil companies, civil society and journalists to take in order to move quickly but deliberately in the face of the coming oil boom. These include transparent revenue and payment practices, open and competitive contract bidding, and active monitoring and participation by civil society. The report also recommends that the government enact a moratorium on signing new licenses, so they can organize an open bidding round and allow the country's legal and institutional framework to "catch up" to the pace of oil development.
"While these steps are not, by themselves, a simple recipe for overcoming the threats posed by the coming oil boom, it is difficult to see Ghana succeeding without them," said Gary.
Last year, Africa produced 12.5 percent of the world’s oil with great investment and exploration throughout the continent, but this has yet to translate into tangible benefits for Africa's poor. In fact, resource-rich countries in Africa have actually experienced lower growth rates than countries with scarce resources.
Ghana is one of the most peaceful and relatively prosperous countries in West Africa but remains poor with almost 80 percent of Ghanaians living on less than $2 a day. After democratic elections and a successful transition of power last month, Ghana’s new National Democratic Congress government hopes that oil revenues will help accelerate the country’s effort to meet UN Development Goals by 2015.
By 2011, estimates are that Ghana will be producing approximately 120,000 barrels of oil per day, along with significant quantities of gas. (The Jubilee field has 600 million barrels of proven reserves and 1.2 billion barrels of probable reserves.) The International Monetary Fund has predicted that government revenues from oil and gas could reach a cumulative $20 billion over a production period of 2012-2030 in Jubilee field alone. On Feb. 19, The World Bank board will consider $215 million in financing to Kosmos Energy and Tullow Oil in support of the development of the Jubilee field.
"Ghana's enviable record of good governance and stability makes this test even more urgent. Oil wealth threatens the growing democratic accountability that has been built in our country's recent history," said Steve Manteaw, media and campaigns coordinator for ISODEC. "The history of natural resource exploitation in West Africa has shown us just how vulnerable the people of Ghana will be without sufficient systems to properly manage oil wealth."
Ghana is no stranger to the natural resource industry. During the British colonial era, Ghana was known as the "Gold Coast" for its prolific gold deposits. With mining law reforms and changes to investment rules in the last 20 years, Ghana has recently experienced a boom in mining investment. But gold mining has led to small government revenues, increased conflict between companies and local communities, the removal of families from their lands, and increased environmental degradation. Coastal communities have seen how this industry has left mining communities, and they fear the same fate.
The problems of resource-rich countries combating the "resource curse" have recently risen to the top of the international development agenda with efforts to increase revenue transparency across the oil, gas, and mining industries. The report is being released on the eve of the fourth global conference of the Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative (EITI) taking place in Doha from February 16-18. EITI is a voluntary initiative designed to increase transparency of payments by companies to governments. While some progress has been made, the EITI has had limited reach. Ghana has published reports under this initiative, but has not been fully committed to extend this work to the petroleum sector. In the United States, the Extractive Industry Transparency Disclosure (EITD) bill was introduced in the House and Senate in 2008. This legislation, expected for reintroduction in 2009, would require all oil, gas, and mining companies registered with the SEC to disclose their payments to host countries and extend transparency as a truly global standard for company operations.
"While some progress has been made to increase transparency in resource-rich states, secrecy around revenues is just one part of the resource curse, and much more work remains to be done to prepare Ghana for the coming oil boom," said Gary.
]]>Photographer Ed Kashi captured images like this as part of his new book, "Curse of the Black Gold: 50 Years of Oil in the Niger Delta." His photos were on display last week at John Hopkins University as part of a panel discussion of a new report assessing US and international efforts to overcome the "resource curse." The report, which is based on months of research in the field by the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations committee staff, explores the paradox where countries rich is natural resources become poorer once they are extracted.
Oxfam's Ian Gary, Senior Policy Advisor for Extractive Industries, spoke as part of the panel, describing how African countries like Chad have been unable to translate their oil reserves into revenue that reduces poverty by building health clinics, schools, roads, and other infrastructure.
"Despite the promises, little money has trickled down to villagers near the oil field in southern Chad and fighting in February between rebels and the government decimated the capital, forcing tens of thousands to flee, including many civil society activists who had sought to hold the government accountable in the spending of oil wealth," Gary said.
So, what's the solution? Panelist Michael V. Phelan, a professional staff member of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, said that he believes it is important for citizens to know their rights and responsibilities and to exercise those to hold their government's accountable. During the course of their research, the Senate staff members found problems in many countries where Oxfam America is working, including Peru, Ghana and Cambodia, and consulted Oxfam field staff and partners in these and other countries.
Oxfam is working to require oil, gas, and mining companies to consult with local communities, and share information with them about their revenues and operations. One vehicle for this is the Extractive Industries Transparency Disclosure Act, legislation that is expected to be introduced in the next session of Congress that requires oil, gas, and mining companies to publicly disclose how much they pay governments to use their natural resources.
Full disclosure is important because companies and governments often keep their revenues a secret, which leads to financial mismanagement and corruption. When local people know more about the oil, gas and mining projects taking place in their backyards, they can claim their fair share for community needs—like education, health care, and jobs.
]]>I'm researching the impact of gold mining on governance—government policy, taxation, and expenditure—as well as community marginalization.
In Senegal, the gold mining sector was formerly an economically and politically marginalized area, and now it's captured the interest of the government and large corporations. I want to identify how things have changed since then, in order to better understand the difference between non-mining marginalized communities and those that are now experiencing the interest and investments that come from gold mining.
There are many communities all over the world that lack power and significance in the world economy simply because they are geographically isolated. Oxfam's work on oil, gas, and mining has shed light on how these communities are affected and what they can do to empower themselves. It's central to my current research and the type of work I want to do in the future.
I spent my junior year at Williams College studying abroad in Senegal, where I worked with a group called PEACE (Platform of African Students for Fair Trade) to plan a student conference based on Oxfam's CHANGE training. I also participated in their activities during Trade Justice Week.
The entire experience in Senegal enhanced my perspective on how others live. By learning to speak Wolof I was able to have a closer relationship with my host family and the people in my community, and understand what was going on in people's daily lives.
Also, working with student activists allowed me to see trade justice and globalization from a different and compelling angle. I realized that development is not just a technical issue for bureaucrats and technicians to solve. It's political and social, and involves the empowerment and engagement of communities and countries. There are people all over the world working towards the same goals of justice, fair trade, development, and responsible political representation... [and] American students should understand that they have a lot of power to call on their governments to make positive changes. Collaborating with activists in developing countries makes their work more powerful.
Prior to CHANGE, I had not been very involved in activist movements, but as a result of the training, activism is the way that I've learned most of what I've learned outside the classroom. CHANGE was the catalyst, and provided a network of people and opportunities to take my passion for social justice and channel it into something concrete'like the student justice movement and my current studies.
CHANGE provided me with a greater appreciation of the role of power and the impact of inequalities, as well as the issues of economic development and commerce that economists don't really talk about. These are issues that the average American may not know about or be interested in; but through our foreign policy we have a great impact on the rest of the world, so it's important that Americans be more informed.
Everyone in the world follows American politics. My experience is that people get the message when the American government administers policies that are harmful, but they also hear when Americans are speaking out for justice. In this election year there is a really big role for Americans as citizens to let the world know that they are trying to change their country for the better, and that they understand that America has a very big impact on the world.
Learn by doing; get involved in justice activities and take action. If I had sat back and waited to learn everything in the classroom before becoming active, I would have missed a lot. It's important to be aware of how much you know and don't know, and understand that you will make mistakes, but you will also learn a lot along the way.
]]>Amankwaa, 48, is a serious, no-nonsense business woman who rarely cracks a smile, but is patiently answering questions about her farm. She is gracious to visitors because she wants them to know she will not willingly sell her six small farms to an American mining company intent on exploiting the gold under the land in her Ghanaian village, Mehame, which means "don't bother me" in the local Twi dialect.
Amankwaa looks around the cocoa pods and all the trees. "This land was given to me by my grandmother; it had old cocoa trees on it and I cut them down and planted new ones," she says. "Now they are growing very well. This is what I depend on for everything, to keep my children in school and all the money we use for food we eat, the house we built, everything is from the cocoa farms."
"This farm is my life," she says finally, "My life is this farm."
The farmers here are industrious. One stood up in an informal meeting back in town to say "If you grow cocoa and don't make money, then you are not working hard." And the farmers in Mehame do make money: Amankwaa earns about $3,200 per year, which is roughly six times the national average income in Ghana. She and her husband have three children. The oldest is finished with school and growing cocoa himself, and the other two are in high school, a boy and a girl. They have a large concrete house with a proper roof, electricity, and clean water from a well.
Given everything they have achieved in Mehame, some of the farmers are skeptical about the proposal to expand the nearby Ahafo mine into their village, swallowing up their cocoa farms and homes. In exchange they would get compensation for their land and be given new homes somewhere else, but this is not an attractive option to Amankwaa and some others. "We don't want to be resettled somewhere, to be sent to another place, to another person's land," Amankwaa says. "We just want to be at peace with our farms and our children."
The American company looking to expand its mine into the area near Mehame seems to have the support of the government, and there is little opportunity for the local farmers to express their opposition to the mine expansion.
At first there were just rumors, then the villagers heard chainsaws in the forest, and found crews exploring for minerals without their permission. The company, Newmont Mining of Denver, arrived for formal visits with the chief, along with representatives from the Brong-Ahafo regional government, and a member of parliament. "Later on we heard the company found people and pushed them to say they wanted mining here, and used them to prove the community approved," Amankwaa says. She says this compelled opponents of mining to call on Oxfam America's partner WACAM to teach them how to defend their rights.
Working with WACAM, the farmers attended workshops in communities already affected by mining to learn about the potential social and environmental costs like pollution to the many streams that feed their farms. And they are learning to organize themselves, Amankwaa says. "With their advice, we have been able to unite and advocate for our position."
When a group of farmers convene to discuss their concerns about mining, the talk inevitably turns to ways they can defend their farms. Hannah Owusu-Koranteng of WACAM cautions the group against violence: "Protect your property, but don't sacrifice your life," she tells them. "Not all struggles should be violent. You can struggle by jaw-jaw, [talking], use your wisdom and language to win your struggle."
Abdullah Selifa, a 28-year-old employee of WACAM in Brong-Ahafo, says their first task it to ensure farmers like the ones in Mehame understand their rights in Ghana's constitution.
"We are fortunate to live in a democratic country," he says, and goes on to describe the articles in Ghana's constitution that protect the right to private property.
Nevertheless, the farmers are sure to have concerns about confronting powerful forces. "The people here have courage, but they are concerned about intimidation," Selifa says. "So we try to show them that they do not have to be afraid of struggling for their rights in the constitution—and that the government is there to protect their rights."
The community's latest move is to write their political representatives to ask for help. If they get a negative response, Selifa says they will take legal action to protect their farms.
]]>"That is it," he says finally, "that is it."
The nearby Ajenua Bepo Forest reserve near Akyem supports a rich ecosystem. The tall trees are impressive as they reach up to the sky. Around them is a warm climate, with ample rain, and rich soils. The farmers near the forest take advantage of it to grow plantains, cocoa, kola nuts, and vegetables. It is not an easy life. Everyone works hard. The more successful farmers may not be wealthy in western terms, but they do not see themselves as poor. They are proud of what they do.
The farmers in Akyem say it is not as tranquil as it used to be. The American company Newmont Mining has bought a concession to explore for gold in this area, and is negotiating with the villagers to get the land they farm, compensate them for their crops, and relocate them to another place to make way for a mining pit 1.5 miles long and half a mile wide.
The company even wants to mine in the forest reserve, and the government seems willing to allow it. In April 2008, 215 members of the Concerned Farmers Association in Akyem Adausina signed a petition against mining in the forest.
In 2005 there was a demonstration against the mining proposal, and one person was shot and killed. Oxfam America's partner WACAM came to investigate the killing, and called for an investigation into the death.
Samuel Fosuhene, 65, a village councilor at that time, became wary of the prospect of mining in the town. He resigned from the council and started supporting WACAM's efforts to organize people in the village to learn about and represent their rights in negotiations with Newmont.
Fosuhene and Kwabena say there are three main issues in Akyem:
Fosuhene's main concern is responsible stewardship of the land. "Land is bequeathed from generation to generation," he says. "So if by allowing surface mining we will deprive...the generation yet unborn, then you have to be very careful."
But land management is difficult. "In our part of the world, no individual owns land," says Hannah Owusu-Koranteng of WACAM. "Even the chiefs, they do not own the land, they keep it in trust for the future of the community and its needs."
This system is at odds with the government's right to all mineral rights. It can lease the land to anyone for mining in the name of development, Owusu-Koranteng says.
The 2006 Minerals and Mining Act requires people be compensated for loss of land allocated to them by the chief, and sharecroppers need to be compensated for the crops they are growing on the land. At this point, WACAM says the company is offering eight US dollars for a cocoa tree, even though the trees produce $20 of cocoa a year for 40 years at least.
Kwabena and his siblings are concerned about losing their family home, a sprawling, 12-room concrete house that was the center of the community when his father was the chief.
In front lies the pacification stone, where errant community members confessing disrespect to authority would show remorse by slaughtering livestock. Inside the bright red walls are a series of rooms, the drums the chief would use to summon the community for meetings, the ceremonial stool and dais on which the chief sat to hold court, and the palanquin used to transport him on special occasions. Kwabena shows visitors the home, his arms outstretched as he moves through the rooms and courtyards, describing the activities of the royal household.
"This is a palace," he says next to the dais where his father dispensed wisdom to the village. "Even though it is such an old building, we are comfortable in it."
With such a nice house, with such a rich history, Kwabena and his 21 brothers and sisters, and all their children are concerned about being relocated to smaller quarters. "My father used to occupy a 16-foot by 14-foot room," Kwabena says, gesturing off to the other end of the courtyard. "You can't remove us and put us in a 9-foot by 9-foot room. That is uncomfortable and I seriously object to it."
Standing behind their house, Kwabena raises an even greater concern: "All the great chiefs who have reigned in this village are buried here," Kwabena says quietly standing under the tree planted for his father. "We can't look on and allow them to dump [mine] waste on them. It is a sacred place."
"That is it," Kwabena says, this time with conviction. "That is it."
]]>Serwaah, 65, and her husband, Kofi Agyei, 77, own two cocoa farms and three homes. Each farm produces enough food to sell at markets in Kumasi and Accra.
And the profits are enough to feed the entire family. So, when Newmont Mining Corporation talks about expanding the Ahafo Gold Mine in nearby Kenyase into Mehame—claiming that the one-time fee for their land will improve their quality of life and bring development to their community—Serwaah reacts with suspicion.
Having visited nearby Kenyase, where her sister-in-law once lived, she says she's witnessed firsthand what "development" can mean to a mining company.
"I get sick when I hear about the project. My heart races," she says. "I was so sad to see places that had been cocoa farms turned into rocks and pits. The farmers have no food because their land has been taken over. They use money for everything and can't live off the land anymore."
That's a stark difference from Serwaah's life right now. While still very poor by Western standards, she says she is wealthy in other ways. "The land is everything to us. It's worth more than gold. Even if a [cocoa] tree falls, we can eat the mushrooms that grow off of it."
Beyond the land itself, the village of Mehame is already lit up by electricity. And Serwaah's family need only walk a short distance to collect free, potable water. Many families, relocated from Kenyase and the surrounding villages, live in structures smaller than their old homes, and many are not connected to electricity lines. In Ntotroso, a resettled community filled with former residents of Kenyase, residents must now pay for their household water, and report taking turns with family members just to bathe.
"Newmont told us a lot of good stories. But we've seen that they've really disappointed us," says Kojo Zica, 28, a resident of the Ntotroso resettlement. "Since we came to this settlement, most of us are not working—even the youth. Even the water we have to pay for. It is difficult to feed our families."
For these reasons, people in Serwaah's community have been attending workshops by WACAM, a local organization supported by Oxfam. WACAM teaches the cocoa farmers to understand their rights under national and international law. In Serwaah's case, these rights include saying "no" to mining if she so chooses.
No amount of compensation from Newmont could replace the lifestyle her family has cultivated over the years, she says. And while right now she can count on her cocoa farms yielding a harvest twice a year, whatever payment she received from Newmont would peter out over time.
"For us, development is not about having big, big things, but having your peace of mind. For us, development is about working for oneself and leaving something for the next generation," she says.
]]>The agreement between ECOWAS and Oxfam America states that the new mining code's primary objective is "to facilitate the contribution of civil society in the process of forming a common mining policy that is favorable to the poor, respectful of the protection principles of the environment and of human rights, and that renders the government and the mining companies responsible through good governance practices."
"In its current form, mining activity has not made the lives of West Africans significantly better," said Mamadou Bitèye, Regional Director for Oxfam America in West Africa. "Even though gold mining has surpassed cotton and cocoa farming, Mali and Ghana still rank 173 and 135 respectively out of 177 countries, according to the UNDP Human Development Index," he said after signing the agreement with ECOWAS in Nigeria.
The regional mining project encompasses three specific objectives for the new code:
The creation of the ECOWAS mining code is part of Oxfam America's program in West Africa to promote citizen participation in decisions related to oil, gas, and mining projects, transparency of payments by international corporations to governments operating in this industry, and uniform laws and policies across the region that will forestall the "race to the bottom" as companies compete for foreign investment by compromising their social and environmental standards.
Oxfam America will oversee the participation of civil society representatives in the drafting of the new mining code. Mamadou Bitèye, and Dr. Mohamed Ibn Chambas, the President of ECOWAS, both expressed their satisfaction in signing the agreement at ECOWAS headquarters.
"We appreciate the political will of ECOWAS in working to harmonize mining policies," said Bitèye "A regional mining code will allow joint governance and better use of foreign direct investment by avoiding the current climate of competition among member countries."
]]>In 2002, Bogoso Gold Mines, a subsidiary of Golden Star Resources, acquired the mine concession and started to aggressively expand the mine pit towards the town. Use of explosives in the mine pit damaged homes in the Krutown neighborhood, and repairs effected by the company were not adequate, according to homeowners. In the neighboring village of Dumase there have been two cyanide spills in the Aprepre River in 2004 and 2006.
"In 2004 we could see the surface mine approaching the town, so we complained to the government but no one came to our aid," said Dominic Nyame, a burly 43-year-old former miner turned community organizer with the Concerned Citizens Association of Prestea. Community members said the encroaching mine pits brought blasting too close to nearby neighborhoods and houses were being damaged. "In 2005 we demonstrated against the company, and the military came to town and shot seven people—fortunately no one died." There has never been an independent investigation of this incident.
The communities of Prestea, as well as Himan, and Dumase that neighbor the Bogoso/Prestea mine, are requesting a comprehensive evaluation of the impact of the first phase of the Bogoso/Prestea project and for the company to respect their right to free, prior, and informed consent regarding the planned Prestea Southern Project.
The community of Dumase is also seeking damages in court from the 2004 and 2006 cyanide spills, and has formally requested that Golden Star Resources commission independent health investigations, but the company has not acted on this either.
Community members attended training sessions with Oxfam America's partner WACAM in 2005 to learn about their human rights, and how to teach others about their right to live in a safe environment and be consulted about the effects of the expanding mining operation. Community members went to Accra and met with reporters and got their grievances into the media, after which Bogoso Gold said they would reduce their blasting activity and form a joint committee to oversee future blasting.
But the issue of pit expansion is still a problem for people living in and near Prestea who fear being involuntarily relocated, or living too close to mine pits and blasting. The proposed pit expansion would also be within several hundred meters of a school, so many parents in this area are concerned about the safety of their children. In two prior incidents in 2006 security forces have moved people off of mine property by force, and the Concerned Citizens Association has had to use some of the training they received from WACAM to resolve these conflicts peacefully. "With WACAM we can calm the waters," Nyame said.
Bogoso Gold is currently suspending all mining activity and expansion while it negotiates with the citizens of Prestea, who are exerting their right to be consulted about how the mine operates, how it could possibly expand its operations into the southern part of Prestea, and the way it carries out any future blasting in the mine pits.
]]>This is where Asewe stays when she's in Goz Beida, a small town in eastern Chad whose outskirts are now flooded with about 52,000 people forced from their villages by factional fighting. But when it's safe, her home is a tent at Kerfi, one of several sites in the area that the displaced Chadians have temporarily settled.
"That's what my beneficiaries are using," says Asewe about her tent. "It's good to use what my beneficiaries are using."
It's there, at Kerfi, that Asewe likes to be best—in the midst of the people she has come to help. A registered nurse and trained midwife, she is a public health promoter for Oxfam, leading a team of three staffers and a committee of 15. Her job is to work closely with families, showing them how to prevent the spread of waterborne diseases. A musical voice, a warm smile, and an untempered passion are her tools.
Asewe came to this region of Chad in mid-July 2007—at the height of the rainy season—her second posting to the country in a long humanitarian career that has carried her around the world from the tsunami-ravaged coast of Indonesia to Afghanistan, Pakistan, Sierra Leone, Ethiopia and back to Chad. It was raining that first time here, too, back in 2004 when refugees from the Darfur region of Sudan were streaming across the border, many of them having walked for days to reach safety.
She was assigned to Bredjing, a camp that now has a population of close to 30,000 people. But back then, it was just beginning to grow, a chaotic sprawl of families, ragged and tired, desperate for food, water, and shelter.
"It was a very difficult situation. Every morning we would come and we would find at least 100 people, towards the wadi, just squatting around," recalls Asewe. "Some would come with small plastic sheets. Some would have traditional mats, but some would have literally nothing. It would be raining the whole night. The children would have literally nothing on top of their heads."
Many of them didn't survive.
"They put in their own graveyard. Every morning organizations like Doctors Without Borders had outreach people just to count how many graves. Yes. So it was very very painful when they first came."
For nine months, Asewe worked with Oxfam, and alongside other organizations, to bring some order to the camp.
"I left happy, though," she says, "because I had seen the beginning and I saw all the changes—everybody putting in a lot of effort." Besides getting water and sanitation services in place, aid groups had even managed to set up activities for children. And the overcrowding was relieved a bit when some of the refugees moved to a new camp—one that was planned for them in advance, so water systems and latrines were already in place.
For the first few weeks of her posting to Kerfi, about 45 kilometers south of Goz Beida, Asewe couldn't even get there. The heavy seasonal rain had swollen the seasonal river, or wadi, swamping parts of the village, and making it impossible for trucks to cross. The short drive from Goz Beida to Kerfi took six or seven hours through the rain, as drivers struggled to negotiate the mud and gushing streams.
Doctors Without Borders was the only aid organization working in Kerfi at the time, said Asewe and it had managed to get there before the rains began to fall. It had parked two of its trucks on the far side of the wadi rushing by the village.
Eventually, workers built a small raft from old drums. An Oxfam driver would deliver Asew to the wadi's edge, and she would float across, her feet dangling in the water, to catch a ride on the other side in a Doctors Without Borders truck.
"We did that until September," Asewe said. "We were not able to get a driver across until October so that delayed all the possibilities."
But once she was able to set foot in Kerfi, Asewe wasted no time in laying the groundwork for her program.
In crowded situations, where there is little room for people and their animals to live as they are accustomed, the spread of waterborne diseases poses a major threat. In December Kerfi was home home to more than 3,000 displaced people—on top of the 4,200 who were already living there.
"The major issue was there was a lot of wadi water, but no clean water," said Asewe, noting that Doctors Without Borders was treating numerous cases of diarrhea. "It was pathetic. The host community, having been completely surrounded, also lost the area they would use for extra space. Their main complaint was they hardly had any place to get their animals to graze." Nor did they have any place left to use as a bathroom.
"Hence the demand for latrines and water," says Asewe.
In convincing people to adopt new ways of doing things, it's important to make them part of the process—so they own it, too. But first, Asewe has to find out what they know, and in this case, it quickly became clear that people were not making the link between the dirty wadi water they were relying on the diarrhea they were suffering from.
"That gives you a key basis where to start," says Asewe.
She organized a development committee of nine women and eight men from Kerfi who would eventually help her with the big task of public education. After some training, together they settled on three main messages they needed to convey to the community.
The messages may sound simple to western ears, but for the residents and displaced people of Kerfi, they could mean the difference between life and death.
Here is what the health promotion committee and Asewe want the people of Kerfi to do:
Part of Asewe's public education program also includes granting families ownership of community latrines—along with cleaning and maintenance duties. About 20 people share each latrine. When a cluster of three or four have been built for people who are under the care of one chief, Asewe arranges for a handover ceremony, with plans made for who's going to keep the latrines clean and how they'll close them down when they're full. And with each latrine, Oxfam provides a latrine kit—a brush and bucket for cleaning.
Some people get the messages very quickly; others are slower to change.
"The best people to target are the children," says Asewe. They learn quickly and adapt readily. "For adults, they may be able to understand, but changing habits may not be so easy."
But whatever the frustrations may be—wadis overflowing with water, insecurity that keeps her tied to Goz Beida, the slow pace of people's adaptation—Asewe says none of that is enough to snuff out the enthusiasm she has for this work.
"I'm still so happy to be the public health promoter who goes to that little house and finds the child and plays around with them and see how you could improve their little lives," says Asewe. "That makes me more happy. It's quite an opportunity and a blessing."
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